The Lottery of Life: Navigating Singapore’s Primary 1 Registration Exercise

Image: Credits to Little Footprints Preschool (https://littlefootprints.edu.sg/blog/preparing-for-primary-school-preschool-singapore)

In this Explainer, find out...

• How do Primary 1 (P1) Registration Exercises work?

• What changes were made to P1 Registration Exercises in 2021 and 2022?

• Have these changes made the P1 Registration Exercises fairer and more inclusive? How so?

Introduction

In light of growing inequality, there have been concerns raised regarding the limited social interaction in Singapore, and the potential societal fractures it could cause.¹ This has made promoting inter-class mobility, such as through a child’s formative years in school, more important than ever.

Recognising these, the Ministry of Education (MOE) has introduced several changes to the Primary 1 (P1) Registration Exercise over the past decade. Many of these changes have made it easier for children without alumni connections to gain admission to primary schools of their choice.² This has encouraged diversity in schools, especially in individual classes. However, the extent of its impact is still up for debate.

This Policy Explainer will focus on changes to the P1 Registration Exercise in recent years, i.e., the merger of Phases 2A1 and 2A2, as well as the increase in places reserved for Phase 2C. It will discuss why such changes were warranted and what they entail. It will also discuss whether these changes have made the P1 Registration Exercise fairer for students from less well-off families.

P1 Registration Explained

The annual P1 Registration Exercise is a crucial process for parents enrolling their children into primary school. Conducted from July to August, it involves parents applying for primary schools of their choice over various phases. The registration exercise is not a straightforward one. Well-meaning parents often navigate a complicated process of priority phases, home-school distance (HSD), and balloting to maximise their child's chances of admission to their preferred primary school.

This process has led to much competition, with parents vying to secure their children a place in ‘good’ primary schools like Nanyang Primary School, Henry Park Primary School, and Nan Hua Primary School. Competition for such schools is fierce because of the perceived abundance of resources and support in these primary schools. Parents also believe, sometimes correctly, that these primary schools are more likely to have enrichment programmes and extracurriculars that better support their children’s development. For example, certain schools may have more established infrastructure for coaching their students to excel in Math or Science Olympiads. As such, competition to gain admission to such schools is stiff.

The intense competition surrounding enrollment into ‘good’ primary schools has fuelled criticism towards the P1 Registration Exercise. In particular, some view the process as unfair, since parents who are alumni of these ‘good’ schools have priority in enrolling their children there (i.e., applying to the earlier Phase 2A).³ Parents working white-collar jobs and who are financially stable are more likely to be able to take time off to volunteer at a primary school, thus making them eligible to apply under Phase 2B. 

Moreover, such parents are more likely to be financially well-off and able to afford properties near ‘good’ schools. This increases their chances of securing their child a place in these schools (i.e., having their child admitted without balloting). In other words, children who win the lottery of life — those who are born into richer or more well-connected families — gain an advantage in what should be a fair system.

Not all ‘good’ primary schools are in wealthy areas. Schools like Princess Elizabeth Primary School or St Hilda’s Primary School are located in what most Singaporeans would consider heartlands. Yet, it does not change the fact that many primary schools with a reputation for academic excellence are located in expensive areas. The implications of this will be discussed later.

Post-2022 P1 Registration Exercise Phases

For now, let us turn our attention to how the P1 Registration Exercise is conducted. Figure 1 outlines the phases of the P1 Registration Exercise post-2022, i.e., after the changes to be discussed were made. Applications for Phase 1 open first, and registrants to Phase 1 will be offered places before applications for Phase 2A open. This process repeats itself for all subsequent phases.

Figure 1: Phases of the P1 Registration Exercise,  Since 2023⁴

Balloting

Popular primary schools, like Nanyang Primary School, are often oversubscribed, meaning there are more registrants than places available at the primary school for a specific phase. In such cases, admissions will be determined by balloting. Balloting will only take place at Phases 2A, 2B, 2C, or 2C Supplementary.⁵

Admission priority is given based on a child’s citizenship status and their Home-School Distances (HSD). Thus, children who are Singapore Citizens (SC) with smaller HSDs (i.e., live nearer to the school) receive higher priority. 

The corresponding priority brackets of registrants, in descending priority, are as follows:⁶

1. Priority 1: Child is a SC with HSD less than 1 km;

2. Priority 2: Child is an SC with HSD between 1 and 2 km;

3. Priority 3: Child is an SC with HSD over 2 km;

4. Priority 4: Child is a Permanent Resident (PR) with HSD less than 1 km;

5. Priority 5: Child is a PR with HSD between 1 and 2 km;

6. Priority 6: Child is a PR with HSD over 2 km.

Higher-priority registrants are admitted first. If the number of registrants in a bracket is lower than the number of places available, then all registrants in that bracket will be admitted. Balloting will only occur when the number of registrants in a bracket is greater than the number of remaining places available.

To illustrate, suppose there are 50 registrants vying for 30 places in Phase 2A. Among the 50 registrants, 20 are SC with HSD less than 1 km (Priority 1), 20 are SC with HSD between 1 and 2 km (Priority 2), and 20 are SC with HSD over 2 km (Priority 3). The 20 registrants in Priority 1 will be guaranteed admission, while the 20 registrants in Priority 2 will join a ballot for the 10 remaining places. None of the 10 registrants in Priority 3 will be admitted.

As alluded to before, the balloting system has led some parents to search for homes near their preferred primary schools to reduce their HSD. In a survey conducted by CNA, 31 per cent of respondents expressed that they had bought or rented a property near their primary school of choice or intended to do so.⁷ In some cases, parents have even lied about their home address to gain an advantage.⁸

What Changes Were Made?

Pre-2023, Phase 2A was split into Phases 2A1 and 2A2. The criteria for these phases are detailed in Figure 2.

Figure 2: Select Phases of the P1 Registration⁹

Since 2023, Phases 2A1 and 2A2 have been merged.¹⁰ This reduces the advantage that children of alumni receive over others. It also provides more allowances for children in affiliated MOE kindergartens. Notably, children who live nearer to primary schools and have lower gross household incomes are already given priority admission to MOE kindergartens.¹¹ Thus, prioritising children from affiliated MOE kindergartens can make primary school cohorts more inclusive in terms of socio-economic background.

The other significant change made since 2022 was to increase the number of places reserved for Phase 2C from 20 to 40.¹² Phase 2C is meant for children who do not have any previous connection to the school. The decision to increase the number of students admitted in Phase 2C can therefore be seen as a move to encourage diversity of backgrounds across primary schools. 

More Accessible and Inclusive? 

By reducing the number of students entering primary schools through alumni networks, MOE aims to promote diversity in the background of the student population. This effort, however, is hampered by several factors.

First, the continued presence of Special Assistance Plan (SAP) schools and mission schools imposes a limit on the diversity of students across schools.¹³ SAP schools emphasise the learning of Chinese language and culture, and usually only offer Chinese as a mother tongue. As a result, non-Chinese students are unlikely to attend such schools. Meanwhile, mission schools are affiliated with religious organisations and thus appeal primarily to those sharing the same faith. These schools have created pockets of homogeneity within the education system, as their students primarily interact with peers from similar backgrounds. This has the effect of making school environments less inclusive. 

Second, recent changes to the P1 Registration Exercise do little to address the advantage richer families possess in securing a place in ‘good’ primary schools. Many ‘good’ schools are already in fairly expensive neighbourhoods. For instance, widely recognised ‘good’ primary schools like Nanyang Primary School, Pei Hwa Presbyterian Primary School, and Henry Park Primary School are located in Bukit Timah, an area with traditionally high property prices and more landed properties. In fact, there is only one HDB estate within a 1km radius of the school (see Figure 3). Other ‘good’ primary schools like Nan Hua Primary School and Catholic High School tend to be in mature estates with higher property prices too. 

Figure 3: Map of properties within 2km of Nanyang Primary School¹⁴

In this vein, buying or renting property near ‘good’ primary schools becomes prohibitively expensive for many. However, this is not the case for wealthy parents with the financial means to do so. They can move houses (whether temporarily or permanently) to attain a lower HSD, thereby increasing their child’s priority for a place in ‘good’ schools. In turn, children attending these schools are more likely to hail from a certain socio-economic background. 

The 2022 increase in places reserved for Phase 2C fails to abate this reality either. Places reserved for Phase 2C ultimately go to children of well-to-do parents, since they can ‘game the system’ by purchasing pricier private property near the school. To this end, the abundance of private property around ‘good’ primary schools has undermined MOE’s attempt to promote diversity in student populations by giving benefits to those living near schools. Instead, it could be said that the increase in reserved places for Phase 2C only serves to entrench the advantage that wealthy parents have in the P1 Registration Exercise. 

The Case of ACS (Primary)

The recent case of ACS (Primary)’s move to Tengah sheds further light on factors limiting efforts to promote diversity in primary schools. Notably, the announcement was met with strong pushback from the alumni. What is it about Tengah that has incited such strong opposition? The alumni of ACS (Primary) should have nothing to fear for the P1 Registration Exercise. Applying under Phase 2A, their children will still be prioritised over residents living in Tengah with no prior affiliation, who would have to apply via Phase 2C.¹⁵ 

In a town hall with alumni, concerns were raised by parents about the dilution of school spirit.¹⁶ These concerns do have some truth to them — moving away from a historic campus will have implications for the school’s culture and spirit. However, more than that, the backlash seems to be a knee-jerk reaction to a school with a reputation for wealth being moved to a less wealthy neighbourhood. 

Thus, despite MOE’s attempts to encourage inclusivity in its schools and fairness in the registration process, the mindsets of parents are an obstacle to making “prestigious” primary schools more accessible. Furthermore, despite all the attempts to promote social inclusion in primary school cohorts, the deeply rooted culture of ‘good schools’ in ‘good neighbourhoods’ with wealthy and influential alumni networks makes admission to these primary schools inaccessible for many. 

The Hurdle Posed by Meritocracy

Last but not least, the P1 Registration Exercise reflects Singapore’s broader culture of meritocracy. According to this ideal, anyone, regardless of background, can achieve success through hard work and merit. In the P1 Registration Exercise, parents with more ‘merit’, such as alumni, volunteers, or residents nearby, have higher chances of success. However, this ‘meritocratic’ system overlooks pre-existing advantages. For example, although anyone can earn the merit of volunteering at a school and apply via Phase 2B, this opportunity is more accessible to those with the financial security and time to volunteer. 

Thus, while MOE’s proposed changes to Phase 2C may be well-intentioned, for the most competitive ‘brand name’ schools, it may have simply encouraged more competition among those who can afford to compete. 

Conclusion 

It is difficult to claim that Singapore’s system of P1 Registration Exercise is fair. The current system still prioritises alumni parents, church or clan members, or those who have the time and resources to volunteer at the school. In this respect, admission to a ‘good’ primary school is not based on a child’s abilities, but on their parent's ability to ‘game the system’.

The recent changes expanding Phase 2C are beneficial insofar as they have allowed more families to send children to schools near them. However, it is difficult to see a future where parents do not expend time, energy, and money, to give their children a better shot of attending a good primary school. Thus, it seems likely that the status quo will persist. Children fortunate in the lottery of life will inevitably continue to have advantages over their peers in Singapore’s education system.

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This Policy Explainer was written by members of MAJU. MAJU is an independent, youth-led organisation that focuses on engaging Singaporean youths in a long-term research process to guide them in jointly formulating policy ideas of their own. 

By sharing our unique youth perspectives, MAJU hopes to contribute to the policymaking discourse and future of  Singapore.